For several days past the close cooperation of republicanism in and about the legislature has been in a snarl. The friendly proposition of the state of Virginia for the several states to appoint commissioners to meet in convention at Washington on the 4th instant, has been the subject of animated strife. The ultras, those who reflect; right or wrong, the extreme views of the president elect, have opposed any response to the Virginia proposition. They were for treating it with contempt, and Gov. Yates was loth even to lay it before the legislature. But so frank and fair a proposition—one so in keeping with the spirit of our institutions, based as they are on compromise and concession, could not fail to find favor even with the members of the party assembled at the Mecca of its faith. The subject was caucussed, canvassed, debated and finally the senate committee, after much tribulation, compromised the matter, by excluding all propositions of the democratic members thereof, and agreeing to recommend the appointment of a set of party commissioners, bound by provisos and instructions, to the effect that nothing of the party platform could or should be conceded, and that the appointment of commissioners is only conceded as matter of form, Illinois republicanism having nothing to concede or ask in the premises. Our senate report shows the animus of the party immediately surrounding the president elect. The party is the ruling idea—the Union a secondary consideration.

The democrats of the legislature insisted upon the appointment of commissioners. They asked their appointment by the joint resolution of the two houses. They asked that the 160,000 democrats of Illinois might be represented (though by a minority) in that commission. In the senate the veteran Richmond appealed to the patriotism of the majority-to their professed desire to heal our national troubles—to their professed love of the Union—to give the Illinois democracy some voice in the proposed commission. Messrs. Kuykendall, Underwood and Higbee also eloquently urged this, in a spirit of amity and national and state brotherhood. The rampant and overbearing senate majority told them, no! You, the representatives of 160,000 freemen, we have ten thousand more than you in the state. You have no rights. It is for you to acquiesce and approve what we do. We, rampant black republicans, will represent Illinois at the Washington convention, as we are forced by weak brothers to go there, and you democrats can make the most of it. We heard Mr. Oglesby’s speech, and this was the spirit of it.

And this is Mr. Lincoln’s state’s mode of meeting the friendly offerings of Virginia for amicable conference! A party representation to settle a dispute involving the unity of the republic! Conceding nothing at home, even the courtesies which should exist among party opponents, they go instructed to yield nothing, hear nothing, consent to nothing, that does not square with their party platform. True, there is nothing binding upon their constituency to require them to assent to the convention’s action. True, nothing can be done by that convention but to recommend some plan of adjustment for the people’s approval. True, the convention is only called that the representatives of the several states may confer, and, if possible, devise some suggestion to the people for their approval or rejection. But Mr. Lincoln’s henchmen will not risk this. First, by his instruction, they were advised to refuse all conference, but they now reluctantly consent to send an instructed party delegation, with an ultimatum, denying half the people of the state a voice in the conference, telling them, through their agents in the state senate, that, as a conquered minority, they cannot be heard, even in so good a work as advising and counselling as to the best means of preserving the national Union.

On ordinary questions we might concede that the majority should speak for the state, but in the troublous times which are upon us, is it the part of wisdom, is it the part of safety at home, in the event of ultimate blows, that such a spirit should be evinced? Rather, is it not our duty, when untold trouble besets us, that a spirit should be cultivated which will render our noble state a unit, come weal, come woe[?] We submit that the dominant party in Illinois, if its state senators represent it, are not pursuing a course to compass so desirable an end.

The majority report of the committee to whom was referred the various communications relative to the appointment of commissioners, directs the governor to appoint the commission, and the remarks of republican senators inform us that it is to be composed exclusively of republicans. The eloquent and telling report of the minority, and the forcible remarks of Messrs. Kuykendall, Richmond, Underwood and Higbee expose to the people of the state the spirit which animates the legislative majority.

Gov. Yates may be more wise than those who have delegated to him the appointment of this commission. Neither he nor they were for any appointment, but the popular pressure compelled some sort of acquiescence. We trust that the executive may feel that, as a commission is to be appointed, the state should not be represented in the Washington convention by a strictly party delegation.

These antics of a flushed majority cannot be without their lessonto the democracy of Illinois at least. In other states, where the republican party have a majority, a greater degree of tact, if not a higher sense of justice, is evinced by the ruling powers. But it may be that those who live under “the droppings of the sanctuary” are better representatives of the chosen of the party than are those who are more remote, and hence less blessed.

Yesterday’s proceedings in the senate will show to the country the spirit which animates the leaders of the party in Mr. Lincoln’s state. They will further show the stand of her democracy. The former assume to have all the rights. The time may come when they may not be so willing to assume all the responsibility.