Leavenworth Daily Times, June 25, 1860

The theatrical entertainment at Baltimore, which has absorbed public attention during the past week, has ended. Ere this paper is issued, many of our readers have been apprised of the result.

Since the Charleston Convention, it has been certain that either Mr. Douglas would be defeated, or that his victory would result in a serious and hopeless division of the Democratic party. His friends have succeeded in declaring him the nominee, and as a consequence, there is a rival ticket in the field backed by a large number of the ablest and most influential men of the Democracy—Douglas and Fitzpatrick; Breckenridge and Lane are the respective candidates of the two factions. It is with the first named ticket, that the Republicans of the Free States have principally to deal.

The history of Mr. Douglas is familiar to most persons [who] have been observers of political events. As early as 1848 he received votes for the Presidential nomination in the National Democratic Convention. In '52 he was again a candidate, but not a formidable one, for the first place on the ticket of his party. In 1854, actuated, unquestionably by a desire to secure Southern favor, he interpolated into the bill for the organization of Kansas and Nebraska, a provision for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The measure was uncalled for; no voice, from any section of the country demanded it. Mr. Douglas had himself reported from the Committee on Territories a similar bill, without the repealing clause, at the previous session. He thus wantonly and for no other purpose than to gratify his own selfish ambition, renewed the agitation of the slavery question, and plunged the country into a contest which has periled the very existence of the government.

Up to that time Mr. Douglas had been one of the foremost in granting every southern demand; and thenceforward he seemed determined to outdo himself in servility, by making concessions to the South which she had never asked. For four years, he fought with bitter and uncompromising hostility against the cause of freedom in Kansas. He sustained the decrees of the bogus Legislature. He uttered not a word of encouragement to the Free State men; but, on the contrary, heaped upon them insult and abuse. Then it was that he defiantly told them "we will subdue you." Then it was, too, that he was so aptly characterized by Mr. Sumner, as the Sancho Panza of slavery, ready to do all its dirty work.

Meanwhile the Republican organization had been formed, on the basis of resistance to slavery aggression. It had grown powerful, and even in Illinois, had succeeded in electing the gallant Bissell, Governor, over Richardson, the right hand man of Douglas. The Senatorial term of Mr. Douglas was about to expire, and his successor to be chosen. Then, when his debasement to the Slave-Power was complete, with certain defeat staring him in the face, he at length yielded to the sentiments of his free constituents, and joined the Republicans in opposition to the new infamous Lecompton Bill.

It was this that gave him the only claim he ever possessed, to the respect of the northern people. It was this that made his followers cling to him with such desperation at Charleston and Baltimore; because they believed that without him for their candidate, they would be driven to the wall in every Free State.

Had there been no Republican organization; no consolidation of the anti-slavery sentiment of the Free States; Mr. Douglas and his followers would have been found in 1860, yielding, as they had always previously done, to the demands of the slave States, and adopting the slave code and the slave trade as part of their policy.

This Charleston-Baltimore struggle will expose clearly the true nature and designs of the slave power. It will teach thinking men that slavery is necessarily grasping and aggressive. And they will discover, eventually, that Mr. Douglas, and others like him, care not whether "slavery is voted up or down;" care not how it is dealt with, save as the question affects their unholy aspirations for place and power. Then will many who thus reflect, array themselves under the banner of the Republican party, which offers the only hope of successful resistance to slavery usurpation, and whose triumph will restore the Government to the principles of its founders.

Of the other nominees, we need say but little. Mr. Fitzpatrick has been a U.S. Senator from Alabama. His abilities are decidedly moderate; but his views have always been of the most extreme pro-slavery character.

John C. Breckenridge is the present Vice President of the United States, elected upon the same ticket with Mr. Buchanan. He is yet a young man, but his talents are of a high order. He is one of the most brilliant orators of the country.

We have heard some doubts expressed as to whether Mr. Breckenridge will accept. We do not share them. At the last Democratic Convention in Kentucky, Mr. B. took strong Southern grounds for Congressional protection to slavery in the Territories. He is thus in full sympathy with the seceders. Besides, the Convention which nominated him, was too much in earnest to commit the blunder of putting up a man who would decline. In a day or two, however, we shall know positively.

Gen. Joseph Lane, the gentleman placed on the ticket with Breckenridge is, like his competitor, the nominee of the Douglas faction, a man of only medium capacity. Yet, he has considerable popularity where he is known.

It is too soon yet to particularize in regard to the effect of these nominations. Of the general result, however, there can be no doubt. We regard the defeat of Douglas as inevitable. He will undoubtedly poll a large popular vote. But,—we say in all candor—we do not know of one single State which he is certain to carry. In Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Indiana, Mr. Douglas is the choice of a majority of the Democratic masses, but in all of them, he will be bitterly opposed by a powerful minority, which will make it impossible for him to get the electoral vote of either. In Illinois the Anti-Douglas element of the Democracy is not so strong; but the nomination of Mr. Lincoln has made his prospect there decidedly slim.

The election will either go to the House, or Abraham Lincoln will be triumphantly chosen. The South saw this, evidently. She wanted to bolt, and meant to do so, all along, and was only waiting for an opportunity to make the secession a formidable one. It was thought that by running two Democratic candidates, Mr. Douglas would be able to divide the North, and throw the contest into the House. There no choice would probably be effected, and the Senate would elect an extreme southern man. We say this is the game of the South; and we therefore think the chances of Breckenridge and Lane much more flattering than those of Douglas. But we are strong in the faith that the people will understand this southern scheme, and that the game will be blocked by the election of the Republican nominees.

Let us but present a bold, decided and united front to the enemy; charge with vigor into their shattered and disorganized ranks, and victory is ours.