Jersey City American Standard, May 29, 1861

From the almost unvarying tenor of our Southern exchanges we perceive that a singular infatuation prevails in the seceded States as to the condition of public opinion, and of the action that is likely to be consequent thereupon, throughout the Middle States of the Union. We feel that it is due not only to candor, but to a humane public policy, to assure them that they are deceiving themselves, and that the state of sentiment which they persist in representing as existing here does not really so exist, except in their own fertile imaginations.

The papers to which we allude lay great stress upon the allegation that the Government of the United States is not heartily sustained by the people at large, but that they are nearly equally divided upon the basis of old party lines, the one moiety sustaining the Government, and the other most heartily opposed to it, and sympathizing with the South.

Our Southern exchanges are certainly well aware that, as a politician, we have never been actuated by any love or admiration for the members of the present administration. We were its implacable antagonists during the canvass of last fall, and up to a time when we felt it to be our duty to postpone our feelings as a politician to our duty as a patriot. We dealt in that time some severe blows, and have thereby gained the unremitting, and perhaps the undying hatred of the active men of the Republican party; and we have no right to expect, as we certainly shall not solicit, political favors of any kind from the administration. We think, then, that what we have to say cannot be put down by those to whom our remarks are addressed as the labored coloring of this party, by a political adherent.

There should be no misunderstanding, on the part of the people of the South as to the real condition of the public mind here. We intend frankly and ingeniously to assure them of the facts of the case, so far as our own observation and experience goes.

There is not the shadow of foundation, then, for the idea that the government is not heartily supported, that so far as the war is concerned there is any drawing of party lines, or that there is any sympathy for the South in its attitude of rebellion and disunion. So far from such being the case, and so wide spread is the unanimity of our people that we cannot call to mind in all our acquaintance in this State, over one or two gentlemen who take sides against the government as a mere matter of theoretical, speculation, and not one who has any disposition to do an unfriendly or disloyal act towards it. On this point we are a perfectly welded unit. There are unquestionably among us many who believe that the war need not have been provoked, that disunion could have been averted by timely and wise compromises, who would gladly see the unnatural strife brought to a conclusion, and who would hail an honorable peace as one of God's chiefest blessings, but all these are unflinching enemies to the doctrine of the right of secession, are frank in their loyalty to the government, and while criticising it yet are determined to stand by it in all its fortunes "right or wrong."

The people of the South then must throw away the false and deluding expectations which they are building upon the impressions to which their presses are giving so much currency. But at the same time they should not do us nor themselves the injustice of believing that we are glad to be enemies with them, or that there is anything like the mortal antipathy which for so many generations existed as between the Englishman and the Frenchman. Nothing of the kind. There may be, it is true, here and there a fanatic who entertains some such malignant disposition, but they are most rare. The general feeling is one of regret that duty imposes it upon us to be the enemies of our countrymen. We feel as if we were about to war with brothers; but looking upon our quarrel as a sacred one, well assured that it is for the permanency of our government, of the Union, and of democratic institutions that we are called upon to contend, we enter upon the contest with a degree of stern resolution and an inflexibility of purpose which, when taken with the unanimity that characterizes our people, promises that there will be no looking back when once we have laid our hand to the plow.

Another gross misrepresentation which finds currency at the South is as to the condition of society here. It is industriously circulated in many respectable presses that our mechanics and operatives and laborers have been driven by poverty and starvation into widespread riotous demonstrations, and that not only the property, but even the life of the wealthier classes here, rest[s] upon the most brittle tenure. Here, at home, it seems almost like an act of folly to contradict this, so apparent is the falsehood to every member of the community. There is unquestionably much distress—more than usual for the summer season—thousands of clerks, employees, laborers, etc., have been discharged; business of every kind languishes, or is at a stand, and serious reverses have been and are taking place; but amid it all society remains tranquil, and all classes are not only obedient to law and order, but are in nowise moved by feelings of antagonism or jealousy for each other. In all our cities, and everywhere in the country, the ordinary quiet and absorption in pursuits of industry makes our people occasionally disturbed, it is true, by the eager curiosity to master the particulars of some startling news that may be transpiring. There are no collisions or prospects of them among our people, and though we have been drained of all our military by their concentration at the seat of expected difficulties, or in camps and garrisons, there have been fewer outbreaks, outrages and offences of every kind than has been noticeable before in many years. Our Grand juries and other criminal tribunals have never had so great a dearth of their peculiar harvest.

This is the true state of the case, and our quondam friends of the South will act unwisely if they count upon anything being gained to their cause by either a lack of unanimity among our people, a prevailing disloyalty to our government, or a condition of fermentation and disruption among our laboring classes. They can derive "no aid and comfort" in either of these particulars.