Savannah Republican, February 8, 1860

There is a numerous class of politicians and political dabblers in the South, interspersed here and there with a goodly number of Editors, who go into a sort of hysterical spasm whenever the name of the Union is mentioned. At the slightest allusion to the talismanic word, they throw themselves into all sorts of curious distortions, and a strange sort of shudder—resembling somewhat the physical demonstrations peculiar to the Shaking Quakers—is visible from their heads to their toes, penetrating bone and marrow and every member of their political bodies. The world has for some time looked on and pitied their agonies from so simple a cause. It was indeed cruel to talk of such things in view of the disastrous nervous effects that were sure to follow.

But there is no limit to "man's inhumanity to man." Not content with these heart-rending sufferings of the poor afflicted souls, some fiend in human shape has recently added fuel to the flame by the invention of another obnoxious word, and placing it in immediate juxtaposition with the original source of the aforesaid lamentable result. A "Constitutional Union" is now talked of—a still more horrid monster, conjured up from the infernal deep to harass the souls and imbitter the probation of the tender-hearted and susceptible patriots. We refrain from any further allusion to the heart-rending effects of this new persecution. It is the last pound that breaks the camel's back, the last pang to an already unutterable despair. Is there no one that can induce, by imprecations, threats, prayers, or in any other human way, these cruel ministers of pain to cease their remorseless work!

But seriously: this extreme repugnance to sentiments of attachment for the Union, is one of the ominous signs of the times. It either proves a settled disloyalty to the government under which we live, or a fear of the patriotic sentiment, as inimical to certain political plans that have been concocted for the future. We are inclined to think that both hypotheses are established by the evidences before us. Why should any good patriot object to a Union party, and especially to one that is pledged to guaranty and preserve inviolate the constitutional rights of every section and member of the confederacy? Is there no necessity for such an organization? If there be not, then the daily recitals of wrongs and injustice that are rung into our ears, are a delusion and a lie. We are told by nine-tenths of the presses and politicians of the South that our rights have been trampled upon, that the Union is in danger of dissolution, that the government has failed, and the constitution set at nought; whilst some, considering the system created by our fathers no longer worth preserving, on account of these abuses, are casting about for a radical change of affairs, and southern independence. This is the startling state of things that is daily rung in our ears and held up for our mournful contemplation; and yet, who has had control of the government—who the management of our foreign and domestic relations—who the absolute direction of all political affairs—while this harvest of woe was maturing for the country? Will some one answer that question? We have section against section, arrayed in deadly strife; the sentiments of mutual respect, love, and brotherhood supplanted by mutual contempt, hatred, and alienation, while the country trembles and totters under the influence of the strife—and yet we are told that there is no need of anything new; the same propelling influences that have driven us to the brink of the precipice, will, by some wonderful feat of moral mechanics, reverse its action and drive us back from the peril! Is such the principle upon which rational men guide the actions of their daily lives and manage the machinery of their private interests? We think not. To our mind, the prospect looks unpromising indeed.

The present is no time for reproaches; nor would we be understood as writing in any such spirit. We speak simply truth, solemn, incontrovertible truth; and we beg our readers of every name to place it in the balance and give it the weight that is due. We have no war to make upon Democrats. Where they are wrong, our highest aim should be to show them their error; where they are right, it is our firm determination, to the extent of our humble ability, to stand by and uphold them in their patriotic endeavors to sustain the truth and the Union.—But there are some truths to which no man can shut his eyes, except such as are resolved to be blind. Nothing can be more evident to our own mind than that the Charleston Convention is destined to result either in disgraceful failure or in a triumph that will prostrate the South, and overthrow every principle and right for which she has contended in the ten years' struggle that is about to close. It cannot be otherwise; and there is something alarming in the fact that some of her own sons, who love her less than they do party and place, are now engaged in preparing the minds of her people for the sacrifice. The altar is erected, the worshippers at the shrine of Mammon are standing eagerly around—is the South prepared to surrender peaceably as the victim? We hope not, and our voice shall not cease to be heard, in solemn, earnest protest against so foul a prostitution and wrong. We do not address ourselves to the politicians and placemen of the South; they are both deaf and soulless. To the people we would appeal, and arouse them, if possible to the defense of their honor, their rights, and their firesides. We cannot believe that they are to be bartered away for a mess of pottage, and to give their sanction to the bargain.

As before stated, we belong to no political party, and have nothing but the best interest of our common country to direct our course in the future. We are not afraid to be called a Democrat, when that party shall place itself in a position to secure our confidence; nor shall we hesitate to oppose it with all the energy at our command, when we believe its triumphs are freighted with disaster to our section, or peril to the Union. On the other hand, we know little or nothing of the rumored movements for the organization of a new party. If such a project be on foot, it must come squarely up to our standard of constitutional right, to secure our respect and support. On the other hand, it is our firm conviction—and we have had of late the very best opportunities for forming a correct opinion—that, organized as the Democratic party is at present, without the slightest agreement on the most vital questions of national concern, divided as to men, and promising the overthrow of all principle in the coming nomination, it presents no security either for the rights of the South or the peace of the country.

We see no cheering prospect of the successful formation of a new party at the present time; but could such a thing be done, on a footing that shall guaranty the rights of every section and put down disunion agitation at the south and anti-slavery agitation at the north, it appears to us that it would be the duty of every patriot in the land to bid it God speed and give it a helping hand. Heaven knows the country has suffered long enough from contention and strife, and it is equally evident that existing parties have been looked to long enough for the remedy, and looked to in vain. What promises have we for the future that have not utterly failed in the past?