The Border States

New-York Daily Tribune, March 9, 1861

Whatever else the Border Slave States may do, the plan referred to by our correspondent at Richmond in this morning’s paper, of a Central Confederacy, is altogether the most impracticable and most mischievous. It is barely possible, though not probable, that the United States, divided into two Confederacies, a Northern and a Southern, might maintain separate Governments, at least for a period, and preserve amicable relations; but to attempt to divide the country into three Confederacies, would certainly lead to the worst consequences of disunion that have ever been predicted. Disunion, pure and simple, would be an alternative much to be preferred by all parties, and particularly by the Border States themselves. For the formation of such a Central Confederacy must necessarily be preceded by civil war, undertaken by these Border States on behalf of those further South in resistance of the Federal Government; and who can foretell what may be the result of a war so begun, not for the purpose of saving the Union, but because it is destroyed already? Better would it be that these States should go at once with a Southern Confederacy, if such be the will of their people, than that they should step in as armed mediators, without the hope of influence enough to keep the peace on either side, because on the important point of lending their strength to either in a permanent Government, they abandon both. If by a popular vote the Border States unequivocally declare their intention of going with the Confederate States—supposing that they shall not come back—then the revolution is formidable and respectable enough to appeal, with some reason, to the North to recognize the existence of a Southern Confederacy to be met with treaties rather than with arms. But if these States choose to remain faithful to the Union, they preserve their influence over both parties; over the South to return to their allegiance, and over the North to exercise forbearance in any event, whether the union between them shall be preserved or not. While, should they withdraw and form a Central Confederacy, though they may be the allies for a time of their neighbors on the South, they sacrifice, by refusing to go with them altogether, as they do by leaving the North, all influence whatever, and will find themselves, at last, the antagonist of parties on both sides of them, and the debateable ground of their contests.

The interests of the Border Slave States are unquestionably Northern, and Northern they must be, if we are to divide into two. Any attempt on their part to avert that destiny is futile, and is only to condemn them to a long struggle. There is no real reason why there should be civil war between the United States and the South, and should one arise it can be only of very short duration, unless the Border States complicate the question by separate secession. Then will arise a conflict within their own limits between the Northern and Southern interests—the interests of Slavery and Freedom—which will inevitably involve the whole country. When such civil war as this arises among us, it will be complicated by one still more difficult to manage—a servile war. Both undoubtedly are inevitable after a due lapse of time in any purely slaveholding government on this continent. Where they are prevented at all, it will be by the Free State element within the same Confederacy. If the Border States sacrifice now this redeeming element their destiny will be very soon accomplished, because the antagonisms necessary to its accomplishment are already vigorous and well organized within their limits. But as an integral part of a Free Confederacy these antagonisms are subdued and kept in check, and that result is worked out by natural laws and careful treatment which, in the other case, comes through speedy violence. There are, it is to be hoped, quiet, conservative, and reasonable people enough in those States to understand this, and to see that disaster must inevitably overwhelm them if any such movement shall be for a little while—as it could only be for a little while—successful.