Natalie Zemon Davis Notes


1. Frederic William Maitland, Selected Essays, H. D. Hazeltine, G. Lapsley, P. H. Winfield, eds. (Cambridge, 1936), chaps. 1–2. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, N.J., 1957); Ralph Giesey, The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva, 1960); Sarah I Hanley, The Lit de Justice of the Kings of France: Constitutional Ideology in Legend, Ritual, and Discourse (Princeton, N.J., 1983); Richard Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1984); Lawrence Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual, and Art in the Renaissance (Geneva, 1986); Marie Axton, The Queen’s Two Bodies: Drama and the Elizabethan Succession (London, 1977); Claire R. Sherman, “The Queen in Charles V’s ‘Coronation Book’: Jeanne de Bourbon and the ‘Ordo ad Reginam Benedicendam,’” Viator , 8 (1977): 255–97. For new bibliography on this topic, see the recently established newsletter, Majestas: Rulership/Souveraineté/Herrschertum.

2. Peter Burke, “Sacred Rulers, Royal Priests: Rituals of the Early Modern Popes,” in The Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy: Essays on Perception and Communication (Cambridge, 1987), 168–82; Laurie Nussdorfer, “The Vacant See: Ritual and Protest in Early Modern Rome,” Sixteenth Century Journal, 18 (Summer 1987): 173–89. Michael Rogin, “The King’s Two Bodies: Lincoln, Wilson, Nixon, and Presidential Self-Sacrifice,’’ in “Ronald Reagan,” The Movie and Other Episodes in Political Demonology (Berkeley, Calif., 1987), 1–43.

3. Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, 491–95.

4. Some of these questions have been broached in a splendid essay by Michael Kammen, “Vanitas and the Historian’s Vocation,” Reviews in American History , 10 (1982): 1–27.

5. Nicolas Vignier, La Bibliotheque Historiale . . . Contenant la disposition et concordance des temps, des histoires, et des historiographes (Paris, 1587), f. a iii r. Jean Bodin, Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (Paris, 1566); Lancelot Voisin, sieur de La Popelinière, LHistoire des histoires, avec l’Idée de l’Histoire accomplie (Paris, 1599). On sixteenth-century French historiography, see Julian Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (New York, 1963);George Huppert, The Idea of Perfect History: Historical Erudition and Historical Philosophy in Renaissance France (Urbana, Ill., 1970); Donald R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship: Language, Law, and History in the French Renaissance (New York, 1970); and Anthony Grafton, “From De Die Natali to De Emendatione Temporum: The Origins and Setting of Scaliger’s Chronology,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes , 48 (1985): 100–43.

6. Bodin, Methodus , 4: “historiae thesaurus.” On what was going on in the Renaissance classroom, see Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities (London, 1986).

7. De Witt T. Starnes and Ernest W. Talbert, Classical Myth and Legend in Renaissance Dictionaries (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1955), 90–99; Elisabeth Schröter, Die Ikonographie des Themas Parnass vor Raffael (Hildesheim, 1977), includes full pictorial evidence and bibliography. On the gender issue in representation of the Muses, see Marina Warner, Monuments and Maidens: The Allegory of the Female Form (London, 1985), chaps. 4, 9 and 233–36. Descriptions of Clio in Ambrosius Calepinus, Lexicon (Lyon, 1538), 368, 1274–75; Robert Estienne, Thesaurus Linguae Latinae Editio Nova, 2 vols. (London, 1734–35), 1: “Clio”; Charles Estienne, Dictionarium Historicum, Geographicum, Poeticum (Geneva, 1660), 712; Vincenzo Cartari, Les Images des Dieux, Antoine du Verdier, trans. (Lyon, 1624), 65–66; Cesare Ripa, Iconologia (Padua, 1611), 368. Hendrik Goltzius, The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, Walter L. Strauss, ed., 2 vols. (New York, 1977), 2: 542–43. On Clio’s attributes and on History as a woman writing, see Guy de Tervarent, Attributs et symboles dans l’art profane, 1450–1600 (Geneva, 1958–59), 139, 168, 281,387.

8. Les Recherches de la France d’Estienne Pasquier, Reveuës et augmentees d’un Livre, et de plusieurs Chapitres par le mesme Autheur(Paris, 1607). The picture had first appeared in the 1586 edition of his Lettres. The posthumous 1621 edition of Les Recherches, published in Paris by Jean Petit-Pas, has a sober portrait of Pasquier, remembered as he looked not long before his death at age eighty-seven. Les Ieus poetiques d’Estienne Pasquier (Paris, 1610), Au lecteur, Tours, 19 January 1592. The quotation is from the 1560 edition of the Recherches, which included Book I only: “estant le hazard du temps, comme l’aveugle és blanques, distributeur des benefices que reçoivent les Livres, et non le plus souvent leur valeur” ( Les Recherches, Book 1, chap. 1). For a similar image of Fame distributing her rewards at random, see the discussion of Chaucer’s House of Fame in Leo Braudy’s excellent book, The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and Its History (New York and Oxford, 1986), 241.

9. On Pasquier’s historical methods and contribution, see George Huppert, “Naissance de l’histoire en France: Les Recherches d’Estienne Pasquier,” Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations, 23 (1968): 69–105; Kelley, Foundations, chap. 10; and Orest Ranum, Artisans of Glory: Writers and Historical Thought in Seventeenth-Century France (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 75–82. On Pasquier’s life and works, see D. Thickett, Estienne Pasentier (1529–1615): The Versatile Barrister Of Sixteenth-Century France (London and New York, 1979).

10. Pasquier, Les Recherches (1607), Book I, chap. 3: 23, chap. 14: 64–66; Book II, chap. 13: 196–204; Book IV, chap. 13: 588–89, chap. 17: 606–08; Book V, chap. 8: 709.

11. Pasquier, Les Recherches (1607), Book I, introduction: 3–4. On the different editions of Les Recherches, see D. Thickett, Bibliographie des oeuvres d’Estienne Pasquier (Geneva, 1956), 32–44.

12. Pasquier, Les Recherches (1607). Book III, chap. 38: 530; Book II, chap. 13: 198; Book I, chap. 3: 22–23.

13. Pasquier, Les Recherches (1607), Book I, introduction: 1.

14. Pasquier, Les Recherches (1607), Book I, introduction: 2; Les Lettres d’Estienne Pasquier conseiller et advocat general du Roy en la Chambre des Comptes de Paris (Paris, 1586), Book VIII, letter 1, 226 r –230 v ; Book X, letter 7, 316 r –418 v . There were six re-editions of Books I and II of the Recherches from 1567 to 1594, the years when Pasquier was circulating the additional books only in manuscript (Thickett, Bibliographie , 32, 41).

15. Les Recherches de la France, Reveuës et augmentées de quatre Livres (Paris, 1596); Recherches (1607), 2–3. The posthumous edition of 1621, assembled from Pasquier’s library by his sons, included three further Books as well as additions to the early ones.

16. David Hume, The History of England, from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688 , 8 vols. (London: Thornas Cadell, 1770); the first complete edition had appeared in 1762 in six volumes, published by Andrew Millar, Cadell’s partner and predecessor. Catharine Macaulay, The History of England from the Accession of James I to that of the Brunswick Line, 8 vols. (London: J. Nourse, et al., 1763–83). George Macaulay, husband of Catharine Sawbridge Macaulay, to David Hume, 22 March 1764, asking if he had received his wife’s book, in John Hill Burton, ed., Letters of Eminent Persons addressed to David Hume (Edinburgh and London, 1849), letter 20, 111–12.

17. David Hume to Catharine Macaulay, 29 March 1764, in The European Magazine and London Review, 4 (November 1783): 331, reprinted in Raymond Klibansky and Ernest C. Mossner, eds., New Letters of David Hume (Oxford, 1954), letter 40, 80–82.

18. Catharine Macaulay to David Hume, undated [April? 1764], in The European Magazine and London Review , 4 (November 11783): 331–32.

19. For the life of David Hume, there is the major biography of Ernest Campbell Mossner, The Life of David Hume, 2d edn. (Oxford, 1980). For the life of Catharine Macaulay, there is Lucy Martin Donnelly, “The Celebrated Mrs. Macaulay,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 6 (1949): 173–207. Carla Hay, Bridget Hill, and Barbara Schnorrenberg have research on her underway and publications planned.

20. Mossner, Hume, 39, 44–46, 153–62. Macaulay, History of England from the Accession , 1: xiv.

21. Mossner, Hume, 311–16. David Hume, The Life of David Hume, Esq. Written by Himself (London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1777), 24–25.

22. European Magazine,4 (1783): 332–33; Donnelly, “Celebrated Mrs. Macaulay,” 182. There are both quarto and octavo editions of Macaulay’s History, and she had publishers in Dublin as well as London. Cadell, one of Macaulay’s publishers, also had investment in Hume’s History. Histoire d’Angleterre, depuis l’avènement de Jacques I jusqu’à la révolution, par Catherine [sic] Macaulay Graham, traduite en français et . . . enrichie de notes par Mirabeau, 5 vols. (Paris, 1791–92).

23. On this whole process, see Braudy’s important work, The Frenzy of Renown, especially 361–80.

24. European Magazine,4 (1783): 334; Donnelly, “Celebrated Mrs. Macaulay,” 187–88. Among her tracts are those mentioned in n. 39 below and Loose Remarks on Certain Positions to be found in Mr. Hobbes’s Philosophical Rudiments of Government and Society, With a Short Sketch of a Democratical Form of Government, in a Letter to Signior Paoli (London, 1767); and Observations on a Pamphlet entitled, Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents (London, 1770). On these pamphlets, see Barbara B. Schnorrenberg, “The Brood Hen of Faction: Mrs. Macaulay and Radical Politics, 1765–1775,” Albion, 11 (1979): 33–45. Pamphlets mocking her were A Bridal Ode on the Marriage of Catherine and Petruchio (London, 1779) and A Remarkable Moving Letter (London, 1779).

25. Mossner, Hume , 597–99, 621–22. An example of the attack is [George Horne], A Letter to Adam Smith, LL.D. on the Life, Death, and Philosophy of his Friend David Hume, Esq. By one of the People Called Christians (Oxford, 1777), with further editions published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge as late as 1799.

26. On Hume as a historian, see Mossner, Hume, 301–11; David Fate Norton, “History and Philosophy in Hume’s Thought,” in David Fate Norton and Richard H. Popkin, eds., David Hume: Philosophical Historian (Indianapolis, 1965), xxxii–1. The latter work includes a bibliography of works on Hume as historian, liii–lv, to which can be added Leo Brandy, Narrative Form in History and Fiction: Hume, Fielding, and Gibbon (Princeton, N.J., 1970); and Richard H. Popkin, “Hume: Philosophical versus Prophetic Historian,” in Kenneth R. Merrill and Robert W. Shahan, eds., David Hume, Many-sided Genius (Norman, Okla., 1976), 83–96.

27. Hume, History of England (1770), 3: 479–83. See also Hume’s letter to the Reverend John Douglas, in which he assesses the likelihood that a French subsidv to Charles II could have occurred in 1661–62 (David Hume, The Letters of David Hume, ed. J. Y. T. Grieg, 2 vols. [Oxford, 1932], 2: 226–27).

28. Hume to Gilbert Elliot, 12 March 1763, in Klibansky and Mossner, New Letters , 69–71, reprinted in Norton and Popkin, Hume , 406–07. Hume, Life , 18–19, 22–23. For modern assessment of Hume’s History as more impartial than this Tory outburst would imply, see Mossner, Hume , 310–11; and Braudy, Narrative Form , 36–37.

29. On Macaulay’s historical work, see Bridget Hill and Christopher Hill, “Catharine Macaulay and the Seventeenth Century,” Welsh History Review , 3 (1967): 173–207; Lynne E. Withey, “Catharine Macaulay and the Uses of History: Ancient Rights, Perfectionism, and Propaganda,” Journal of British Studies (Fall 1976): 59–83; and N. Z. Davis, “Gender and Genre: Women as Historical Writers, 1400–1820,” in Patricia Labalme, ed., Beyond Their Sex: Learned Women of the European Past (New York, 1980), especially 167–72. Further material on her political circle of radical Whigs and her role as pamphleteer can be found in Caroline Robbins, The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), 356–77; and Schnorrenberg, “The Brood Hen of Faction.” On the politics of the 1760s, see the important study of John Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular Politics at the Accession of George III (Cambridge, 1976).

30. Review of Macaulay’s A Treatise on the Immutability of Moral Truth in The European Magazine and London Review, 4 (July 1783): 37–39; Hume’s skepticism is one of Macaulay’s targets; Macaulay, History of England , 1: vii–xviii, introduction; 6: v–xiv, preface dated January 1781.

31. Macaulay, History of England , 1: x, 2; 6: vii. Robbins, Commonwealthman, 15, 267. Macaulay was less sanguine about the public judging “facts” aright when she published her sixth volume than when she published her first: in 1763, she thought that individuals might err in assessing facts but “the public judgment is infallible” (1: x); in 1781, she realized how hard it was for “uncontrovertible argument founded on fact . . . to influence the minds of a nation in favour of a democratic form of government, who from the beginning of time have been under the rule of regal sway” (6: vii). On Hume’s connection with the Advocates’ Library and his consultation of manuscripts in the British Museum, see Mossner, Hume, 249–55, 316, 395, 401. On Hume’s attitude toward “‘research’ scholarship” (“I have inserted no original Papers, and enter’d into no Detail of minute, uninteresting Facts”) and his justification for “rewriting” English history when so many historical “monuments” already existed, see ibid., 316 and Hume’s letter to Horace Walpole in Grieg, Letters , 1: 284–85, letter 152.

32. Macaulay, History of England, 6: i, xii–xiii. Hume, Life, 17–19, on the reaction to the first volume of his History : “I was assailed by one cry of reproach . . . Whig and Tory . . . patriot and courtier, united against the man who had presumed to shed a generous tear for the fate of Charles I and the earl of Strafford.”

33. Hume’s ideas on free commercial exchange are found in his Political Discourses of 1752 (“Of Commerce”). For his reaction to the publication of The Wealth of Nations, see his letter in 1776 to Adam Smith in Letters, 2: 311, letter 517; and Mossner, Hume, 270–71.

34. Hume, History, 2: 529–31. Hume to William Strahan, 11 March and 25 March 1771, in Letters, 2: 238, 242, letters 454–55. When the second volume of Dalrymple’s Memoirs of Great Britain was published in 1773, Hume wrote the publisher “that it gives me great Satisfaction to find that there is not one single Mistake in my History, either great or small, which it gives me occasion to correct.” He has, however, something to correct in Dalrymple’s work (Hume to Strahan, 20 March 1773, in Letters, 2: 278, letter 489).

35. Mossner, Hume, 396–98. Hume to Andrew Millar, 6 April 1758 in Letters , 1: 273, letter 145; Hume to William Robertson, March? 1759 and 12 March 1759, in Letters, 1: 300–02, letters 163–64.

36. Hume, “Of the Study of History,” published in 1741 in Essays Moral and Political and withdrawn by Hume from editions of the Essays after 1760 as “frivolous”; reprinted in Norton and Popkin, Hume, 35–39. Hume to Rev. Hugh Blair, 6 October 1763, in Letters , 1: 404, letter 217; Mossner, Hume, 395. Hume’s attitude toward Macaulay was surely more respectful of her qualities than that of his friend, the painter Alan Ramsay, who sent Hume early news of Macaulay’s first volume: “Somebody under the name of Mrs. Catharine Maccauley has written a romance, called ‘James the First,’ the secret design of which is to abuse you and me, and all the other people of consequence, whom she calls the creatures of a court, and the tools of tyranny. I am meditating revenge. . . . What if we should bring about a match betwixt this woman (if there be such a woman) and Patriot Wilkes? Were it not a consummation devoutly to be wished ? I think the patriotic invectives, the kicks and the cuffs, that the spirit of liberty would produce de part et d’autre, would not only revenge us, but would give the whole parish more true insight into politics than all your essays put together” (Alan Ramsay to David Hume, 8 November 1763, in Burton, Letters of Eminent Persons, 29–30).

37. European Magazine,4 (November 1783): 331, reprinted in New Letters, 82, letter 40. Lord Charlemont’s “Anecdotes of Hume,” reprinted in Mossner, Hume, 310.

38. Hume, Life, 15. Hume to Strahan, 25 March 1771; Hume to Robertson, 28 March 1769; Hume to Blair, 13 May 1776, in Letters, 2: 242, letter 455; 199, letter 428; 321, letter 524. In the letter to Blair, Hume went on to report with light sarcasm, the gifts and fortune bestowed on Macaulay by the Reverend Thomas Wilson, “a man zealous for Liberty.”

39. Catharine Macaulay, A Modest Plea for the Property of Copyright (London, 1774); An Address to the People of England, Scotland and Ireland, on the Present Important Crisis of Affairs (London, 1775); History of England from the Revolution to the Present Time in a Series of Letters to a Friend (London: E. and C. Dilly, T. Cadell, J. Walter, 1778). Vols. 6 and 7 of The History of England from the Accession of James I appeared in 1781, vol. 8 in 1783.

40. Macaulay, History of England from the Accession, 6: xiv. She goes on, in what is surely a reference to the anonymous pamphlets in 1779 ridiculing her for her second marriage, to talk of rising above difficult situations: “In this case, an individual . . . must look down with contempt on the angry crowd, nor suffer their fierce and loud clamours, in any respect, to divert him from pursuing the grand object of his honest ambition.”

41. Macaulay, History of England from the Accession, 6: vi. In her next volume, she attacked Hume strongly for his “ridiculous charge of corruption” against Algernon Sidney: Hume’s “partiality on the side of the court in this part of his history is a greater disgrace to his admirable genius and profound sagacity than any other page of his historical writings”; History of England from the Accession, 7: 494.

42. Hume to Robertson, March? 1759, in Letters , 1: 300–01, letter 163; Mossner, Hume, 555–56.

43. Hume to Millar, 17 May 1762 and 19 October 1767, in Letters , 2: 359, letter 193; 2: 169–70, letter 411.

44. Hume to Adam Smith, 3 May 1776, and Hume to Strahan, 8 June 1776, in Letters, 2: 318, letter 522; 2: 323, letter 525.

45. My Own Life in The History of England, from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution of 1688 (London: T. Cadell, 1792), v–xv. Also reprinted in Mossner, Hume, Appendix A.

46. Macaulay, History of England from the Accession, 1: xix. The Works of James Thomson With his Last Corrections and Improvements (London, 1762), 249–50. Macaulay’s Modest Plea for the Property of Copyright (Bath and London, 1774) argues for a decent reward for “literary labours” and the possibility of providing for one’s posterity, but she also defends copyright because it allows writers to be free of dependence and a venal pen.

47. Macaulay, History of England from the Accession, 2: Advertissement, 10 Jan 1765. On Thomas Hollis’s comments about and aid to Macaulay, see Donnelly, “Celebrated Mrs. Macaulay,” 182; he was an important republican and defender of liberty in the American colonies (Robbins, Commonwealthman, chaps. 7–8). The portrait, dated 1767, was designed by I. B. Cipriani and engraved by I. Basire for the printing in London, 1767, of the third volume of the History. For the original Roman coin on which the picture of Macaulay is based, see Harry Thurston Peck, ed., Harper’s Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiquities (New York, 1965), 225. By royalist custom, oak wreaths were worn on 29 May which was the birthday of Charles II; Macaulay in contrast was giving the wreath its Roman meaning (Shakespeare, Coriolanus , 1, iii, 12) and also associating it with the patriotism of the British oak. Her youthful reading had been in the annals of the Greek and Roman republics “that exhibit Liberty in its most exalted state” (History , 1: vii). Since she believed that it was “contrary to the duty of an historian to spare even the memory of a parent, if he was found defective in those patriotic virtues which eminently affect the welfare of society” (6: xiii), she may have found Brutus’s refusal to spare his children understandable.

48. Macaulay holds in her hand a paper on which is the name Dr. Wilson of Walbrook, that is, the Reverend Thomas Wilson, absentee rector of St. Stephen’s Church in Walbrook. Patriot and enthusiast for liberty, the elderly Wilson lived in Bath, where he bestowed house and moneys on the widowed Macaulay and her daughter and commissioned a statue of Macaulay with a history book. She defined him as a “friend” rather than as a patron, and it is to him that the historical letters of the 1778 History are addressed. On the literary inventiveness of this epistolary history, see Davis, “Gender and Genre,” 169. On the character of her relationship with Wilson and its termination when Macaulay married her young second husband, see European Magazine, 4 (November 1783): 329–30; and Donnelly, “Celebrated Mrs. Macaulay,” 184–87.

49. On this topic, see the article by Mary D. Garrard, “Artemisia Gentileschi’s Self-Portrait as the Allegory of Painting,” Art Bulletin , 62 (March 1980):97–112; and Judith E. Stein, “The Iconography of Sappho, 1775–1875” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1981), chap. 4. The portrait of Macaulay as Clio and Liberty has a significant place in this tradition. It was followed the next year by Richard Samuel’s painting of The Nine Living Muses of Great Britain , nine artists and literary women in the temple of Apollo; Catharine Macaulay is there as Clio (National Portrait Gallery, Complete Illustrated Catalogue , comp. K. K. Yung [New York, 1980], 668, no. 4905).

50. Marc Bloch, “Manuels ou syntheses?” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale , 5 (1933): 67–71. Eileen Power, “Peasant Life and Rural Conditions (c. 1100–c. 1500),” in J. R. Tanner, et al. , eds., The Cambridge Medieval History , 8 vols. (New York and Cambridge, 1924–36), 7: 716–50.

51. Marc Bloch, “Etudes sur le commerce anglais au XV e siècle,” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 6 (1934): 316–18. Eileen Power and M. M. Postan, eds., Studies in English Trade in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1933).

52. R. H. Tawney, review of Marc Bloch, Les Caractères originaux de l’histoire rurale française in Economic History Review, 4 (1932–34): 230–33. Bloch has a bibliography, drawn up with Paul Leuilliot, in Economic History Review, 7 (1936–37). The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, 7 vols. (Cambridge, 1941–78), 1: The Agrarian Life of the Middle Ages, eds. J. H. Clapham and Eileen Power, preface, chaps. 6–7; 2: Trade and Industry in the Middle Ages, eds. M. M. Postan and E. E. Rich, preface.

53. It is worth looking at the manuals of Langlois and Seignobos to see what their teaching actually was: Charles-V. Langlois and Charles Seignobos, Introduction aux études historiques (Paris, 1898); and Charles Seignobos, La Méthode historique appliquée aux sciences sociales (Paris, 1901). See also the fine pages of William R. Keylor, Academy and Community: The Foundation of the French Historical Profession (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), chap. 4. Bloch on Karl Bücher in Annales d’histoire éonomique et sociale, 4 (1932): 65–66.

54. Biographical material on Marc Bloch can be found in Charles-Edmond Perrin, “L’Oeuvre historique de Marc Bloch,” Revue historique , 199 (1948): 161–88; Carole Fink, “Introduction” in Marc Bloch, Memoirs of War, 1914–15 , Carole Fink, trans. (Ithaca, N.Y., 1980), 15–73; Eugen Weber, “About Marc Bloch,” American Scholar , 51 (Winter 1981–82): 73–82; André Burguière, “Marc Bloch, 1886–1944,” in his edn. of Dictionnaire des sciences historiques (Paris, 1986), 88–91; Etienne Bloch, Marc Bloch: Father, Patriot, and Teacher (Poughkeepsie, N.Y., 1987). Carole Fink has a full-scale biography forthcoming entitled Marc Bloch: Historian, Soldier, Patriot . I am grateful to her for clarifying for me several points about Bloch’s life and attitudes. Bloch’s suspicions that anti-Semitism and Jewish quotas were behind his rejection at the Collège de France are given in 1936 letters to Febvre, excerpted in Annales d’histoire sociale , 7, 1 (1945): 29–30. Weber gives interesting detail on the several factors that played into Bloch’s rejection by the Collège.

55. On Eileen Power’s life, one can find information in the obituary by R. H. Tawney in Economic History Review , 10 (1940): 92–94 and in Tawney’s article on her in L. G. Wickham Legg, ed., The Dictionary of National Biography, 1931–1940 (hereafter, DNB, 1931–40 ) (London, 1949), 718–19. I have also learned much from discussions with Dr. Sylvia Thrupp, who knew her from the end of the 1920s until her death.

56. On Girton during Power’s day, see Barbara Stephen, Girton College, 1869–1932 (Cambridge, 1933); B. Megson and J. Lindsay, Girton College, 1869–1959: An Informal History (Cambridge, 1961):and M. C. Bradbrook, “That Infidel Place”: A Short History of Girton College, 1869–1969 (London, 1969). 66–67. On George Gordon Coulton, see his Four Score Years: An Autobiography (Cambridge, 1943), especially chaps. 32–34; and Gerald Christianson, “G. G. Coulton: The Medieval Historian as Controversialist,” Catholic Historical Review , 57 (1971): 421–41. His general preface to his series promised yearly errata sheets responding to all queries about “errors of fact” sent in by readers or reviewers; Eileen Power, Medieval English Nunneries, c. 1275–1535 (Cambridge, 1922), v–vi.

57. Eileen Power, Report to the Trustees of the Albert Kahn Travelling Fellowships (September 1920 to September 1921). The microfilm of this printed report in the University of Toronto Library (Microfilm no. 426) includes two letters from Power to Coulton: the first, written front Girton College, tells him she has been awarded a Kahn fellowship, thanks him for his “testimonial,” and says she is going “to slave at the nuns” to get them to press before she leaves.

58. Lord Beveridge has written a somewhat chatty history of the School during Power’s years there, The London School of Economics and Its Problems, 1919–1937 (London, 1960). Power was not the first Girton graduate to join its faculty: Lilian Tomm Knowles had had a post since 1904. A major collaborative project of Tawney and Power was Tudor Economic Documents , 3 vols. (London, 1924); Power is thanked in the introduction to the first edition (1926) of Tawney’s Religion and the Rise of Capitalism for having read the manuscript. On the importance of their relationship to Tawney, see Ross Terrill, R. H. Tawney and His Times: Socialism as Fellowship (Cambridge, Mass., 1973), 66–67, 69, 82, 107.

59. Tawney in the DNB, 1931–40, 718. On the varieties of historical work being done by women in Power’s day, see the excellent article by Bonnie G. Smith, “The Contribution of Women to Modern Historiography in Great Britain, France, and the United States, 1750–1940,” AHR, 89 (1984): 709–32.

60. On Bloch’s views on history, see the studies mentioned in note 54 above and also Bryce Lyon, foreward to Marc Bloch, French Rural History: An Essay on Its Basic Characteristics , Janet Sondheimer, trans. (Berkeley, Calif., 1966), ix–xv; Carlo Ginzburg, preface to Marc Bloch, I re taumaturghi (Turin, 1973), xi–xix; and André Burguière, “La Notion de ‘mentalités’chez Marc Bloch et Lucien Febvre: Deux conceptions, deux filiations,” Revue de synthèse , 111–12 (1983): 333–48. Further, on Bloch’s and Febvre’s program for reform, see H. Stuart Hughes, The Obstructed Past: French Social Thought in the Years of Desperation, 1930–1960 (New York, 1966), 21–48.

61. Among many places where Bloch and Power talk about the new directions rural history should take, see Marc Bloch, “La Vie rurale: problèmes de jadis et de naguère,” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 2 (1930): 96–120; and Eileen Power, “On the Need for a New Edition of Walter of Henley,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th ser., 17 (1934): 101–16. Marc Bloch, “Pour une histoire comparée des sociétés européennes,” initially published in the Revue de synthèse historique in 1928 and reprinted in Marc Bloch, Mélanges historiques, 2 vols. (Paris, 1963), 1: 16–40, especially 34; “Pour mieux comprendre l’Europe d’aujourd’hui,” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 10 (1938): 62; “Que demander à l’histoire?,” initially published in 1937 and reprinted in Mélanges historiques, 1: 6–8. Eileen Power, “On Medieval History as a Social Study” (Inaugural lecture delivered at the London School of Economics in 1933), Economica, n.s., 1 (1934): 13–29, especially 21.

62. Tawney in DNB, 1931–40 , 718; already in 1919, Alice Clark thanked Power for supplying her unpublished information about medieval working women for background to Clark’s Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1919), preface. Eileen Power, “The Position of Women,” The Legacy of the Middle Ages , C. J. Crump and E. F. Jacob, eds. (Oxford, 1926), 401–33. M. M. Postan has added unpublished lecture material to this last essay for a posthumous book by Power, Medieval Women (Cambridge, 1975). Power’s assessment of the limitations of Weber’s ideal types is in “Medieval History as a Social Study,” 19–20. Eileen Power, Medieval People (Boston and New York, 1924), preface. Interestingly enough, Bloch’s much-appreciated teacher at Leipzig, Karl Bücher, was the author of a short study on medieval women, which Power used: Die Frauenfrage im Mittelalter (Tübingen, 1910).

63. Marc Bloch, Rois et serfs: Un Chapitre d’histoire Capétienne (Paris, 1920), dedication and 14. Gustave Bloch, L’Empire romain: Evolution et decadence (Paris, 1922). Marc Bloch, “Christian Pfister: Les Oeuvres,” Revue historique, 172 (1933): 567. “Testament spirituel de Marc Bloch, le 18 mars 1941,” Annales d’histoire sociale, 7, 1 (1945): iv.

64. Marc Bloch, Les Rois thaumaturges: Etude sur le caractère surnaturel attribué à la puissance royale particulièrement en France et en Angleterre (Strasbourg and Paris, 1924), v–vii.

65. Febvre on the role of “Madame Marc Bloch” (Simone Vidal Bloch) in Marc Bloch, Apologie pour l’histoire ou métier d’historien (hereafter, Métier d’historien) (Paris, 1949), 107; and see also further information in Weber, “Bloch,” 75. Bloch did not acknowledge his wife’s role in his existing publications, but Febvre said that, if he had lived, he would surely have dedicated a future work to her. Thérèse Sclafert, a professor of history at the Ecole des Jeunes Filles at Fontenay-aux-Roses, has an article in the first volume (1929) of the Annales. Bloch speaks with some approval of her thèse d’état, a geographical and economic study of Le Haut-Dauphiné au moyen âge, and other works by her in a review article in Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 2 (1930): 98–99. Sclafert was still part of the Annales school in 1959, when her Cultures en Haute-Provence: Déboisements et pâturages au moyen âge was published in the SEVPEN series Les Hommes et la Terre. It may be that most of the women historians then publishing books were trained as archivists and were producing precisely that kind of rural history to which Bloch objected. The only other woman writing for the Annales was Lucie Varga, a refugee from Austria, who contributed an ethnographic study of an Austrian valley ( Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 8 [1936]) and art interesting account of the German support for Nazism (9 [1937]).

66. Febvre’s review of Bloch’s La Société féodale in Annales d’histoire sociale , 2 (1940): 39–43; Bloch’s 1943 letter to Febvre about Le Problème de l’incroyance au XVI e siècle: La Religion de Rabelais in Annales d’histoire sociale , 7, 1 (1945): 28–29; Bloch’s appreciation of Febvre in May, 1941, Métier d’historien , vii. On their disagreement, see the interesting article by Burguière, “La Notion de ‘mentalités.’” Bloch planned a characteristic double dedication to Métier d’historien : it was to be dedicated to the memory of his late mother, and the letter to Febvre was to be included “by way of dedication” (“en manière de dédicace”).

67. Marc Bloch, La Société féodale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1939): “A Ferdinand Lot, Hommage de respectueuse et reconnaissante affection.” See Bloch’s review of Lot’s three volumes, Les Invasions barbares et le peuplement de l’Europe, in Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 10 (1938): 61–63.

68. Marc Bloch, Rois et serfs, 14; obituary for Charles-Victor Langlois in Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 1 (1929): 583–84. Bloch was exaggerating his differences from his teacher: Langlois’ Lectures historiques of 1912 includes essays on serfs with material drawn from literary sources. His retelling of medieval stories, though it added no commentary whatsoever, was motivated by the desire to go beyond political and administrative history and find something of “the sentiments of people of the Middle Ages” (Langlois, La Societe française au XIII e siècle d’aprés dix ronwns d’aventure [Paris, 1904], i). Both social and intellectual topics were included by Langlois and Seignobos in their schematic “general classification of historical facts” ( Introduction aux études historiques, 201–03).

69. Bloch to Febvre, 17 August 1941 in Annales d’histoire sociale , 7, 1 (1945): 31. “Charles V” was the nickname Langlois’ former students gave Charles-Victor. Bloch also included Durkheim in this distancing—“Durkheim n’était, certes, pas un imbécile”—and took issue with his sociological approach in Métier d’historien. What had once been a fertile influence was now outmoded and too abstract. On Durkheim’s influence on Bloch, see Perrin, “Oeuvre historique,” 184; and Burguière, “Mentalités chez M. Bloch,” 338–39.

70. Bloch, Métier d’historien, ix, xv–xvi and 109 n. 1. For the most part, I follow here the translation by Peter Putnam in Marc Bloch, The Historian’s Craft, with introduction by Joseph R. Strayer (New York, 1953), 3, 15–17. Bloch added somewhat disingenuously (3 n. 1) that the Langlois and Seignobos Introduction aux études historiques is “justly famous” and that his book, “arranged upon a different and, in certain of its parts, a much less fully developed plan does not by any means pretend to replace [it].” Interestingly enough, at the very same time that Bloch was beginning his work on The Historian’s Craft, Charles Seignobos, then aged eighty-seven, was writing his old friend Ferdinand Lot about a new book he hoped to do on the “principes de la méthode historique” (letter dated June, 1941). He thought that, for a quarter of a century, no serious reflection had been done on historical method (H. E. Barnes’s book he found mediocre, and he said nothing of Bloch, Febvre, and the Annales). The project he outlined has the same structure and argument as his 1891 book with Langlois (R. Fawtier, “La Dernière lettre de Charles Seignobos à Ferdinand Lot,” Revue historique, 210 [1953]: 1–12).

71. Marc Bloch, “Apologie pour le travail utile: A propos de deux livres sur Saint-Denis,” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale, 9 (1937): 80–85. Rois thaumaturges , vi; Les Caractères originaux de l’histoire rurale française (Oslo, 1931), viii, trans. J. Sondheimer, French Rural History , xxii; Société féodale , 1: 8.

72. “A nos lecteurs,” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale , 1 (1929): 1; Marc Bloch, “‘Historisme’ ou travail d’Historiens?,” Annales d’histoire sociale , 1 (1939): 429–30; Métier d’historien , xvii.

73. Her full name was Eileen Edna le Poer Power. For reviews of Sylvia Thrupp’s contribution to Studies in English Trade in the Fifteenth Century in which Dr. S. Thrupp is thought a man: V. J. Galbraith in Economica, n.s., 1 (1934): 349–50; and M. Bloch in Annales d’histoire économique et sociale , 6 (1934): 317.

74. Power to Coulton, 9 October 1922, attached to her Report to the Trustees. She also acknowledged Coulton’s help in the preface to Medieval English Nunneries, but he is not mentioned in later prefaces. Power’s review of vol. 3 of Coulton’s Five Centuries of Religion is in Economic History Review, 8 (1936–37): 87–89; Coulton, Fourscore Years, 265; Power, “On Medieval History as a Social Study,” 17.

75. The Goodman of Paris (Le Ménagier de Paris): A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris (c. 1393),trans. with introduction and notes by Eileen Power (London, 1928), dedication to Charles-V. Langlois. Langlois had summed up moral treatises, such as one by Raymond Lull, in La Vie en France au moyen âge d’après quehlues moralistes (Paris, 1908). On Langlois’ negative attitudestoward “history books” and writing for the public rather than publishing “original documents . . . without mixing anything [of the historian] in them,” see Keylor, Academy and Community, 84–86, 178–80. His retelling of thirteenth-century tales, without commentary or interpretation, was aimed at “a lettered public, not medievalists by profession” (Société française , xiii).

76. A manuscript image of Madame Eglentyne is on the cover of Medieval English Nunneries, and the book closes with Chaucer’s verses. Power’s chapter on nuns in Medieval People is based on Madame Eglentyne as a type. Christine de Pizan is cited in both these texts but figures centrally as a commentator and source in Power’s essay on “The Position of Women” and in Medieval Women, the posthumous book edited by M. M. Postan.

77. Power collaborated with her sister Rhoda Power on a book entitled Boys and Girls of History (Cambridge, 1926). Medieval English Nunneries was dedicated to her Girton friend, M. G. Jones. Jones is thanked again in the preface to Medieval People, as is also Miss H. M. R. Murray of Girton. Jones later aided Michael Postan in editing Power’s Ford lectures for her posthumous book, The Wool Trade in English Medieval History (Oxford, 1941), vii. Mary Glwadys Jones was to publish books on eighteenth-century charity schools (1938) and on the writer-moralist Hannah More (1952). The quotation from Piers Plowman is from Book 10.

78. Born in Bessarabia in 1898 and educated at the University of Kiev, Postan had come from the Soviet Union to England after the revolution. He was already a research assistant for Power at the time of Tudor Economic Documents in 1924 (1: viii). He was lecturer in history at University College London from 1927 to 1931, lecturer in economic history at the London School of Economics from 1931 to 1935, and then lecturer and finally professor at Cambridge. He and Power were married in 1937 and had homes in both Cambridge and London.

79. See Power’s review of Birnie in Economic History Review, 8 (1937–38): 82–83. Power’s sense of history as capacious was surely enhanced by her travels; she returned to the Far East for a second time in 1929.

80. Conversation with Sylvia Thrupp, 4 December 1987. Sylvia Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London (1300–1500) (Chicago, 1947), vii; paperback edn. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1962), dedication. Among those scholars who acknowledged Power’s aid during her life were her student Ivy Pinchbeck in Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 1750–1850 (London, 1930), preface, and H. S. Bennett, Life on the English Manor, 1150–1400 (Cambridge, 1937), preface. A moving obituary of Power was written by Philippe Wolff, one of the young historians she had helped when he visited England. It appeared in the issue of the Annales primarily devoted to the work of Marc Bloch and said of her work, “Car l’esprit dont témoigne toute sa production est celui même qui nous anime”; Annales d’histoire sociale, 7, 2 (1945): 127–28.

81. Marc Bloch to Etienne Bloch, 13 September 1942, in E. Bloch, Marc Bloch, 16.

82. Walter Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History,” in Illuminations, Harry Zohn, trans. (New York, 1969), 257–58. On the interpretation of this text and Benjamin’s historical views, see O. K. Werckmeister, “Walter Benjamin, Paul Klee, and the Angel of History,” Oppositions, 25 (Fall 1982): 103–25; Richard Wolin, Walter Benjamin: An Aesthetic of Redemption (New York, 1982), 48–63; and Michael Jennings, Dialectical Images: Walter Benjamin’s Theory of Literary Criticism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987), chap. 2.